Video: The Mill and the Peasants

Video: The Mill and the Peasants

Watch the video

This is more footage from the town of Pidhajtsi in Western Ukraine, shot in August, 2005.

If a peasantry is a population bound to and dependent for survival upon the land through various means that grossly benefit local or not-so-local lords while keeping the individual farmer more or less locked in his/her place--such as via outright serfdom or through credit arrangements and dependency on local "lords" to pay out some cash—then the cash-crop and subsistence farmers of Western Ukraine qualify as a contemporary, postmodern peasantry of the latter sort.

In the previous two posts I have briefly discussed the plight of the people/farmers of the Western Ukrainian countryside. Here I continue: This is footage of men loading sacks of processed wheat flour into their wagons and tractors (see previous post for a comment about the persistence of wagons in the Ukrainian countryside).

There are three main cash-crops that people sell in Pidhajtsi and throughout the Western Ukrainian countryside; in order of economic relevance (i.e., in order of what is most lucrative for the peasant household), they are: sugar beet, wheat, and cow's milk. Each of these crops are harvested by the peasant household and brought elsewhere to be processed. Cow’s milk and wheat are brought to local processing plants where they are made, in the case of milk, into cheese, creams, pasteurized milk, etc., and into processed flour in case of the wheat. Sugar beets are brought to a burjakpunkt or drop-off point from whence they are hauled elsewhere to be processed into sugar. All of the sugar in Ukraine comes from sugar beets.

Each family has roughly 1 hectare of land in the fields. Nearly all of the work is done by hand using rudimentary, though time-honored, implements and little or no modern machinary. In addition to the aforementioned cash-crops (there are sometimes others, but those are the main ones) a typical household raises foodstuffs for home consumption: red beets, yellow beets (for feed), corn (for feed), potatoes and a variety of other vegetables and herbs. There is a common plumb-and-apple orchard and most homesteads have apple trees, while some have plumb and cherry trees and berry bushes. Plumbs, though certainly good for eating and commonly used in pastries, is also necessary for making the local samohonka or moonshine, which usually is not a vodka or horylka (the Ukrainian word for vodka), but a plumb-brandy called, in this part of Ukraine, slivjanka. (Note: plumb-brandy is called slivovitsa by other peoples of Eastern Europe, and sometimes rakija in the Balkans; to Hungarians, it is palinka). It is also important to note that just about every household has either one cow or a goat for milk from which creams and cheeses are made, and plenty of fowl (as shown in a previous post).

Just a few American families employing American agribusiness technology could farm the land around Pidhajtsi; instead, the land supports about 7-8,000 people, if you include the nearby villages as "suburbs” of Pidhajtsi (Ukrainians live clustered into towns and villages with the fields surrounding the settlements). Many analysts complain that Ukraine’s agricultural potential is massively underdeveloped.

When farmers take their foodstuffs to be processed, they are repaid by the factories not in cash but in barter: they receive a cut of the final processed goods made from their beets/wheat/milk. A portion of the processed goods go for home consumption; the rest is sold whenever the need for cash arises at a local, weekly market (every Thursday in Pidhajtsi). In this footage, the men are loading their share of the processed flour made from their wheat.

Sugar beets yield sacks of sugar, and milk yields pasteurized milk or other processed dairy products. With the wheat, people will bake their own bread at home and will use the sugar that was the fruit of their own labor. The processed, pasteurized dairy products often go to market, as most villagers use milk straight from the cow in their own diets.

I was universally told by people in Pidhajtsi that it is not worth it for anyone to bring milk to the dairy factory unless one has at least three or more cows. Thus, in the afternoon you can see Babas carrying bucket after bucket to and from home and factory a number of times.

Whether it is the dairy, beet, or wheat factory, everyone will tell you that the exchange rate is unfair and to the advantage of the processors.

Who owns and runs these factories?

I tried to get an answer to this question in the following ways:

1) I tried to get some interviews and to film inside some of the factories, but neither the mill nor the dairy plant was willing to oblige. At the dairy factory, I was told by the plant’s manager that the owner was not present, that he does not live in Pidhajtsi and that he is probably at another one of his plants. The manager also said that she already knew the owner would not be willing to be interviewed, and when I asked if I could interview her, she said she had no right to speak about the company and told the security guards present to escort me and my second-cousin off the factory grounds. And oh, one of the guards had already made sure that my videocamera was turned off.

It was more of the same at the mill; thus the footage here is shot not just across the street from the plant but from across the street and down the road a bit, as security had told me to move on.

At the burjakpunkt or beet pick-up site, I was allowed to film, though the people rather nervously allowed me to do so. I was hollered at anytime I turned my camera on any worker. The most violent response to my camera came from the man in the room where the local peasants came to collect their sacks of processed sugar. Some of that footage will appear later.

2) I tried to get some answers from local officials, but most of them were reticent, even after the Orange Revolution, to answer my questions about who owns what and how they came to own it.

However, I do know the following from the tales of locals: The mill and the dairy factory both were part of a Soviet-era conservatives factory that produced a range of foodstuffs (bread, pastries, jams, jarred salads, pickles, dairy products, etc.). It collapsed in the early 1990s, and most people say that the managers of the factory ran their business into the ground and sold off factory equipment for their own, short-term gain (others defend them saying that they could not adjust to market conditions so quickly after the end of the command economy). The mill and dairy factory were reopened years later as private businesses, but on much smaller scales.

Corruption and and lack of transparency in the agricultural sector and especially in the Ukrainian countryside are truly large-scale problems. Many in Pidhajtsi have come to feel that Yushchenko has neither the intention nor the will to truly take on rural problems, and sometimes complain that like all previous administrations, his is focused all-too-exclusively on industry (which also means on Eastern Ukraine). One major sign to many locals that Yushchenko is not concerned with their plight in the countryside was his memorandum with Yanukovych in which Yushchenko agreed to extend parlaimentary immunity from prosecution to local government officials. Another symptom of this lack of will for many is his close relationship with Petro Poroshenko, Ukraine’s so-called Chocolate King. Poroshenko owns a large chocolates-and-sweets factory in addition to other businesses, and is definitely a New Eastern European worth an estimated $350 million, according to Warsaw-based Gazeta Wyborcza. He is widely perceived by many as profiting from the unfair barter practices in the countryside—a cheap supply of sugar for his factory contributing to is considerable wealth.

However, Ukrainians at the local level do have this problem: they barely self-organize to take on the power of rural agricultural corporations and officials. Western Ukraine is not Latin America and certainly not Chiapas, where there are local movements developing at the most grassroots of levels to take on or refuse the power of middlemen (coyotes) and corrupt politicians in the agricultural sector. Though the Orange Revolution showed an unprecedented level of civic activism and self-organization in Ukraine, and though such activism remains higher than it was in pre-OR times, people in general seem to have once again put all of their hope in the state and in politicians to make a difference. This is too bad. One recent speaker ruminated on whether Ukrainians have truly broken from what he called the following, centuries-old and unhappy tradition in Ukraine: apathy and disillusionment with political and civil-society processes creating a cycle of inaction only occasionally interupted by periods of revolutionary upheaval. He was not sure that Ukrainians are now solidly discovering the middlepath in which everyday actions by an active citizenry truly makes a difference, though many have proclaimed such is the result of the Orange Revolution.

This is what makes the apparent disappearance of the NGOs of the election campaign and Orange Revolution period so sad, and why it was so lamentable that the main (largest and best organized) activist group Pora! was more or less hijacked by those who wanted to make of it a political party. What Ukraine badly needs today is not more political parties but ongoing grassroots organizing efforts; and what Ukrainians should take as a contemporary model are the collectivist, self-organizing efforts of people on the ground in various parts of Latin America--or examples from their own history. A Zapatista, or even better yet, a Makhnovist (but without the guns) or OUN inspired model for regional self-organization could work well in agricultural Western Ukraine. This time, the fight would not be with foreign invaders but with locals, and the goal to ensure a better rate of exchange. A Ukrainian Cesar Chavez?

A Baba Feeds the Fowl in Western Ukraine

A Baba Feeds the Fowl in Western Ukraine

Watch the video

This is footage that was shot in the town of Pidhajtsi (pop approx. 4,000), state of Ternopil, in western Ukraine in September, 2005. The people of the small towns and villages in this region--the Pidhajetskyj rajon (county of Pidhajtsi), which is among the poorest regions in Ukraine--survive as subsistence farmers with some degree of waged labor. The official unemployment figure for the county, according to pre-Orange Revolution stats, is 10-15%; a number of county officials told me that the actual figure is between 35-45%. Average wages/pensions are about $60/month. Nearly every household in the town of Pidhajtsi (Ukrainian counties are named for their seat of government) has three generations present whose members usually survive $2/day or less ($2/day being the true poverty line for people of the northern hemisphere, due to heating cost). The people of this region in general can not survive without raising and growing their own food. The scene in this clip: Nearly every household keeps chickens, geese, and ducks, while some also have turkeys. Baba Feeds the Fowl.

Poststructuralist Child Rearing (also Buddhist)

Anti-Oedipus: I'll Do My Best
(Video Still)

Evo Morales: Gutsy--Very Gutsy

President Evo Morales ordered soldiers to occupy Bolivia's natural gas fields Monday and threatened to evict foreign companies unless they give Bolivia control over the entire chain of production.

Read full article here.

Let Freedom Ring

The US has the highest per capita incarceration rate in the world:


See full report here; the report says that rates of imprisonment throughout the so-called developing Third World are much lower.

Someone in Duluth, MN Had Somethin' to Say

Someone had somethin' to say in Duluth, a town of approx. 87,000 on the North Shore of Lake Superior in northern Minnesota.

This marquee is right on the main drag downtown.








Went up there on a little vacation with my little one, who's playing below in the snow.















Though I try not to use the term "fascism" so loosely, I like the feisty marquee quite a bit. I appreciate it as a real sign of the (finally!) growing degree of disgust with the Bush administration in the US.

Books on Complicity and Duplicity in the Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and the Making of the Modern Middle East

Anyone wanting to understand Western complicity and duplicity about its role in the making of the modern Middle East and the rise of Islamic Fundamentalism (in large part the effect of the West's free-market-for-multinational-coporations and access-to-energy-reserves fundamentalism), should read the following two books:

Tariq Ali's The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads, and Modernity and Robert Fisk's more recently published, The Great War for Civilization: The Conquest of the Middle East.

Ali's book is shorter, while Fisk's is a monumental tome written by a veteran foreign correspondent and anti-war activist. Both men are veteran authors and activists, while Fisk has been and continues to be present in many of the hot spots around the world in which the West and its Other confront each other.

If you have time for only one book, then read Ali's book. If you are really pressed for time, then skip the first section (all of its chapters) and jump straight into the second, though the first section--mostly a personal narrative of Ali's life that is meant to orient your reading of his perspective on the rise of Western and Islamic fundamentalisms as a writer who is an insider and outsider to both Western and Muslim society--is interesting.

Both books are written with vivid and evocative prose full of witty turns of phrases, and are full of anecdotes or story-telling moments that illustrate the reality behind the facts of Western complicity and duplicity about its role in the making of the contemporary Middle East and Muslim world. They often do so from the most grassroots of perspectives, illustrating everyday life and experience on the ground in world wide hot spots--both joys and despairs--along the way. Most importantly, both authors eloquently illustrate how the current War on Terror is the story of two evil genies who keep trying to force each other back into the bottle from which they sprang, while at the same time they continue to rub the bottle's side. Trapped in the middle are those who have tried to make a (secular) solution in opposition to both of each of the genie's faiths in (market and Islamic) fundamentalism.

The current War on Terror is nothing more than a dead end or a formula for endless war from which profits are made and ideoligical capital gained at the expense of the victims of collatoral damage who, now and then, rise from the rubble to make their voices heard. These two books are a register of what many of those collatorally-dieing-and/or-suffering voices are trying to say: No to Islamic fundamentalism and NO to Western, market-fundamentalism as well.

See the post just below this one for more on Fisk's and Ali's books.

Robert Fisk and Tariq Ali v. Thomas Friedman, Samuel Huntington, and Christopher Hitchens

Robert Fisk, for those who do not know, is an eminent foreign correspondent from Britain who broke the story of the My Lai massacre carried out by US soldiers in Vietnam during the late 1960s [it was his American parallel, Seymour Hersh, another excellent anti-war correspondent, who broke that story; sorry for the error] who has been an impassioned anti-war voice for decades, covering conflicts from the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan to Saddam Hussein's (US backed and orchestrated) invasion of Iran, the Israeli war in Lebanon in 1982, the most recent Balkan Wars and the two Gulf Wars, among many others. His writing is always eloquent and factual (though many would contest this claim), and excrutiatingly vivid and passionate. He is always focused on the most immediate, real aspects of war from the grassroots perspective. Like a good oral historian's tale puts flesh on the skeleton of the traditional, academic historian's way of writing history via dry recitation of fact and date, Robert Fisk's writing puts the flesh on clinical terms like "collateral damage" by showing where and how the flesh has been shorn from the victims of war.

Though I have long sought his journalism, I just began reading something longer by him. He is now the author of at least 4 lengthy tomes, though the book I picked up today is, I think, the longest of his texts: it is a newly published (in 2006), 1,000 pp. tome on the modern history of the Middle East and of the largely negative impact that the West has had in the making of that history that is entitled, The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East.

In the preface, he is as crafty and quotable as he is in his journalism, so I hope the rest of the text will prove as excellent; here are some lines I liked just from the preface:

"I don't like the definition 'war correspondent.' It is history, not journalism, that has condemned the Middle East to war. I think 'war correspondent' smells a bit, reeks of false romanticism; it has too much the whiff of Victorian reporters who would view battles from hilltops in the company of ladies, immune to suffering. . ."

Yet consider all those excited Giraldoes embedded for a stimulating ride. . .

"If the soldiers I watched decided to leave the battlefield, they would--many of them--be shot for dissertion, or at least court-martialled. The civilians among whom I was to live and work were forced to stay on under bombarments, their families decimated by shellfire and air raids. As citizens of pariah nations, there would be no visas for them. But if I want to quite, if I grew sick of the horrors I saw, I could pack my bag and fly home. . .[there would be] no counselling for the poor and huddled masses that were left to Iraq's gas, Iran's rockets, the cruelty of Serbia's militias, the brutal Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, the computerised death suffered by Iraqis during America's 2003 invasion of their counntry."

"I went to war as a witness rather than a combatant, an ever more infuriated bystander to be true, but at least I was not one of the impassioned, angry, sometimes demented men who made war."

"Yet innocence, if we can keep it, protects a journalist's integrity. You have to fight to keep it."

Tariq Ali is another writer/activist whose shorter works--in this case, his essays and speeches--have been of great interest to me, but whose longer works I have never read. So I have cut my teeth on his highly readable Clash of Fundamentalisms which was partially concieved as response critical of the eminent Harvard poli sci prof, Samuel Huntington's ridiculously simplistic and reductionistic Clash of Civilizations thesis.

Here is one quote that I find relevant in the context of all the recent hoopla over the difference between contemporary Islamic society and the West that was triggered by cartoons:

"We have to understand the despair, but also the lethal exaltation, that drives people to sacrifice their own lives. If Western politicians remain ignorant of the causes and carry on as before, there will be repetitions. Moral outrage has some therapeutic value, but as a political strategy it is useless. Lightly disguised wars of revenge waged in the heat of the moment are not much better. To fight tyranny and oppression using tyrannical and oppressive means, to combat single-minded and ruthless fanaticism by becoming equally fanatical and ruthless, will not further the cause of justice or bring about a meaningul democracy. It can only prolong the cycle of violence."

Tariq Ali is originally from Pakistan, has childhood memories of the horrors of the partition, studied at Oxford, has been engaged in political activism for years, was a Trotskyite for a while and opponent of Mao and of the Soviet crackdown of '68 (though I'm not sure what he would call himself today, these things are very important to me. . .). I appreciate his passionate way of writing, though I am a bit critical of the almost total lack of any spiritual sensibility in his writings and for what seems to me a bit too dogmatic atheism (I don't believe in a creator-and-manipulator-and/or-clock-maker God, either, but I am a practicing Zen Buddhist). Nonetheless, he has a healthy outrage a la Fisk or a la any normal human being unwilling to count body bags for progress, and is an incredible public speaker who once made a statement that has become very much so a political mantra for me:

"If the Bush administration were actually serious about Iraqi freedoms, it would support the indigenous, Iraqi pro-democracy movement instead of invading."

He was speaking on a tour of the US before the start of Gulf War II (of Junior's 100th or So Misadventure), in effort to do his part to try and prevent more body bags being piled up in the name of progress and from being spoken about clinically as the "collatoral damage" that is the inevitable side-effect of "precision bombing."

And oh, to conclude by comparing the work of both Fisk and Ali to that of the NYTimes' little darling (and fellow Minneapolis-St. Paul area native) Thomas Friedman:

1) I am pretty sure that Fisk's history of the Middle East will be a major improvement to Friedman's (who is a globalization/New World Order apologist and neoliberal or Milton Friedmanite thinker) recently published one much in the same way that Ali's book is an improvement over Huntington's. Over the years, Friedman has been at times equivocal about war and at other times a total hawk. He fully supported the Bush war in Iraq, though he has now turned critical of its handling, though belatedly, since opponents of the war predicted how miserably it would go well before it began. Thus he has been most vehemently critical of Donald Rumsfeld's conduct of the war, rather than of the ideology and conduct of the whole Bush administration, whose belief in America's altruistic mission in the world is a foundation of Friedman's own remarkably simplistic view of the world. (His view is remarkably simplistic for a man of his education and experience with travel; however, given that he interviews CEOs of multinationals and not workers in the trenches of sweat-shop labor for source info, the overly simplistic nature of his views is not surprising).

In short he often suggests in so many words that war is part and parcel of the market's freehand and of growing prosperity; or, to put it the way that the greatest philosophical apologist for war in the history of Western letters did, it's all just part of History's cunning.

Thus a criticism of Friedman by the astute Thomas Frank rings quite true, to the effect that Friedman's thinking is basically 19th century pro-imperialist, White Man's Burden liberalism dressed up in langauge reflecting postmodernity and globalization.

In contrast, Fisk as a correspondent in the Middle East and elsewhere, has remained a fiercely unequivocal voice against war who has fought for and kept his innocence.

This purity of view derived of innocence is something that both Friedman and the Nation's Christopher Hitchens should contemplate. Hitchens is the leading contender in competition with Friedman for the award of best writer among self-proclaimed progressives apologetic of war and imperialism. However, Hitchen's stubbornness may make it so that his pact with the Devil will go too deep for redemption (he was once part of the anti-war Left), while Friedman may still one day decide to have the NYTimes pay for his business class plane ticket to India or Palestine-Israel, but this time with the purpose of going to live the life of a factory-floor worker of a sweatshop or that of a typical Palestinian in the Gaza strip for a year. Such an adventure for Mr. Friedman would provide him with the fertile grounds for a new, groundbreaking piece of investigative journalism during which he could test his theories about growing prosperity in the globalized world order and the necessary evil of war. . .

2) Friedman views the conflict between the Western world and Islam today as neither a clash of civilizations, nor a clash of fundamentalisms, but a clash within a civilization--within Muslim society. The wicked governments of the Muslim world are, according to Friedman, the ones solely responsible for the conflict within the Muslim world and for the conflict with the West; they have, often in collusion with Islamic fundamentalists, duped the multiude of the Muslim world to blame not them, the responsible ones, but the West and most especially America. Of course, underlying this position is acceptance of the notion that the West and the Muslim world are engaged in a conflict between civilizations; however, for Friedman it is a conflict that is driven solely by the civil war that indeed rages in the heart of Muslim society--just never mind the role the West has played throughout the adventures of modernity in the making of that war. And as is his parlance, Friedman completely absolves the processes of (neoliberal) globalization and its architects of any and all responsibility for continuing and intensifying that Civil War. Fisk's and Ali's books in this case once again provide an excellent antidote to such drivel that apologizes for war and imperialism and that absolves the elites (and consumptive habits) of the West for their role in the making of the current situation.

And one more thing: Friedman claims that he is a representative of Minnesota's best progressive but centrist traditions. That's an oxymoron. He is an example of the Clinton-inspired drift of much of this state's left-of-center toward center or even right-of-center politics; he has never been a progressive. However, his newest pet topic--that of the imperative facing capitalism to develop alternative and renewable energy sources--might lead him down a path to redemption, but only if his new crusade wakes him up to the social as well ecological injustices of global capitalism which he now excuses as the price paid for progress.

For it will most likely be liberals who push for and conservatives who will succeed in making capitalism green in the future, especially since greening capitalism does not have to necessarily lead to limiting the profit-motive to other non-market values as well. Friedman will probably remain an apologist, never crossing over to the realm of the progressive he fancies himself to be.

Bush's War Against the Genie

The "War against Terror" is the same as:

Trying to put a diabolical Genie back while diabolically continuing to rub the bottle.

It's a war of two bad Genies in which, if one of the Genies succeeds, everyone looses.

Don't you know, you're just supposed to be happy?

In general, I agree, but. . .

So I was at bar tonight and got into a discussion with some random person who had decided to come over to the table where I was hanging with my brother and his buddy. She worked for Verizon and had seen me talking on my cellphone, and used that as a talking point to strike up conversation. I asked her how well she thought Verizon treated its employees, and then I asked if she knew how much the CEO was paid.

She immediately replied by asking, "Why do you have a chip on your shoulder?"

OK, so we now were clear on one thing: That we stood on opposite sides of the aisle. At that moment, I was pretty sure that she supported the war in Iraq, thought that Saddam Hussein had something to do with 911 and Al Qaida, and that there are terrorists who want to kill Americans because they hate Americans because they want to be Americans but can not be.

It turned out that she did.

So I asked her if she would like to know why I, personally, was curious to know how well she felt she was treated as a Verizon employee and also why I wanted to know how much the CEO and other top-dogs at Verizon made; she said sure. So I explained to her that from my understanding, the gap between the rich and the poor in the US has been gradually widening since 1900, but that post-WWII, the gap has been growing exponentially. I explained that in 1969 the average middle class American family required one working parent that worked around 40-50 hours a week to maintain a middle class lifestyle, and that today, well. . .we all know that it requires two working parents who work between 40-50 hours a week each to afford an average middle class lifestyle. I asked her where the money for all those extra hours is going--could a lot of it not be going, in many cases, to the increasingly outrageous "compensation" paid to executives? I asked, why have wages fallen (adjusted for inflation) since the 1960s? Could it have something to do with the greed that has driven, and the deregulation that has allowed, companies to ship jobs abroad and to drive wages downward, EVEN THOUGH globalization has taken place at a time in which so many major companies were already making plenty of profit?

I finished by asking where deregulation of the economy has gotten Americans.

Her response was to turn to her friend and say, "Soapbox. He's on a soapbox."

I have never thought very highly of the following bumerpsticker, but at that moment its message popped into my head and so I though to say to her, "Well, if you are not outraged, you're not paying attention."

But that's not true. She has been paying attention, enough at least to have just recieved a promotion from Verizon, and was on a business trip to Minneapolis in her new position. As far she was concerned, she was getting what she deserved for all her hard work. Also, as far as she was concerned, there are no disadvantaged people, just lazy ones.

Perhaps this person does deserve what she got as a promotion; I don't know. What I do know is that America has lost ALL $EN$E OF PROPORTION and necessity. Not, however, that there has ever been a consensus in the US on how much those higher up the corporate and business ladder deserve in compensation for greater risk and responsibility that was as just as that in the Europe of the post-war Third Way orientation. Kenneth Lay is just one character among many in a society that has become held hostage by greed and that rampantly produces pundits who announce that the Kingdom of peace and happiness will be realized by unleashing one's inner consumer. Dream Big, Think MTV Cribs!

I very much like that the Green Party has had in the past a platform about wage caps: no CEO or business owner should be allowed to pocket more than such and such a percentage of his/her average worker's daily take-home.

We also discussed the matter of Bill Gates' wealth, as she brought up the issue of philanthropy. She used the argument that someone like Gates was doing more for the world than someone like me, who has a chip on his shoulder and likes to preach from a soapbox.

Though I am not well enough armed intellectually to argue about the injustices of the joint-stock company that places profits for shareholders first and foremost over all other, nonmarket values and therefore to the detriment of the environment and numerous, previously-cohesive communities worldwide, I could engage with her in the following way (which I mention here, since Gates' great wealth comes primarily from his stock options and his company's monopolistic behavior):

Bill Gates' philanthropy vis-a-vis Africa and the AIDS problem protects his business interests, and thus is not sincere philanthropy. For the best explanation, check out the book The Best Democracy Money Can Buy by Greg Palast. In short, there is a big fight going on over generic drugs for AIDS, all of which comes under the rubric of protecting intellectual property rights. Big pharmaceutical companies in the North and West want the WTO to punish countries (mostly in the South and the East) that allow companies to make cheaper generic versions. Bill Gates wants countries to crack down on knock-offs of Microsoft products. He wants property rights to drugs and Windows to be protected at all cost. Coming under fire for this stance, he has decided to spend whatever-amount-he-has-offered on name brand AIDS drugs for Africa. But how many more people could be treated on his dole with generic brands? If he was really sincere, he would declare, "I am FOR generics and will still spend this much money on GENERICS." Many more people would be treated and many more lives would be saved--I forget exactly how many more, but I think it was 2 to 3 times more (check out Palast's book for the details). This is not a negligible amount of difference.

It is negligent not to pay attention to the increasing gap between the rich and the poor in today's world in which globalization and free trade are supposed to be reversing the situation.

Furthermore, corporations must either be forced to or learn to place nonmarket values on equal par with profits for shareholders; or rather, capitalism must be regulated in order that the importance and integrity of extra-market values are appreciated and respected. In other words, companies should not be allowed to continuously externalize the risk and costs of their business to the human community and environment; it all should be internalized and profit and prices made to reflect the real social and ecological cost of doing business.

Beware of the Herd Instinct!

"War? It's baaaaaaaaaaaaaaaad!"

This is my favorite anti-anything poster I have seen at any demonstration, anywhere. This was taken at the Minneapolis site of the global, anti-war demonstrations that happened on Feb. 15, 2003 (the day that millions of people around the world demonstrated against the war that had yet to begin).